Former Internal Security Act detainees under Operation Spectrum at documentary screening of “1987: Untracing The Conspiracy” in 2016. Dr Thum’s submission to the Select Committee on fake news argued that People’s Action Party politicians did not tell the truth behind Operation Coldstore (1963) and Operation Spectrum (1987).
Straight off the bat, it was clear that we were about to witness some demolition work at yesterday’s Select Committee hearing. It was the way Law and Home Affairs Minister K Shanmugam questioned Dr Thum Ping Tjin about his academic credentials – that he was not a research fellow in History as he had maintained, but that he was now a research fellow in Anthropology. And that while he was attached to Oxford University, he was not a tenured staff member.
It was also clear that the minister would launch into Dr Thum’s key point in his submission – that the People’s Action Party politicians were responsible for the biggest pieces of fake news in Singapore, by not telling the truth behind Operation Coldstore (1963) and Operation Spectrum (1987) which had resulted in the incarceration of many people. He said so at the beginning of what would be a six-hour interrogation of the historian who is known for putting a different spin on the Singapore’s early history.
I say “spin’’ because I can’t tell who has the definitive version of history of Singapore’s pre-independence days – whether the early politicians (Lim Chin Siong et al) were communists planning armed struggle for political supremacy, or whether they were socialists whom first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew labelled as communists to destroy them politically, or to force them into jail or exile.
I say “spin’’ because I was thoroughly confused by all the references to books, quotes, telegrams, speeches and even footnotes that were originally in Mandarin and then translated into (bad English). Believe you me, I tried. Because any Singaporean would want to know how Dr Thum came to this conclusion that was in his written submission:
“Beginning with Operation Coldstore in 1963, politicians have told Singaporeans that people were being detained without trial on national security grounds due to involvement with radical communist conspiracies to subvert the state. Declassified documents have proven this to be a lie. Operation Coldstore was conducted for political purposes, and there was no evidence that the detainees of Operation Coldstore were involved in any conspiracy to subvert the government.”
Not that Dr Thum is unknown in intellectual circles. His Phd thesis and subsequent public lectures, videos and interviews have repeated the point, which has been contested by the Government and at least one academic. In recent years, there have been several alternative narratives to Singapore history that has seen publication, including the ex-detainees’ views of Operation Spectrum and exiled ex-Barisan Sosialis members’ recollections of Operation Coldstore.
In 2014, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong had weighed in to defend the State’s narrative. In 2015, his office issued a strong statement decrying what it described as “historical revisionism’’which downplayed the communist role in pre-independence:
“Historical discourse and debate requires academic rigour, intellectual honesty and respect for evidence. These qualities have been sadly lacking among those championing a revisionist account of a key fight on our road to independence.”
It shouldn’t surprise anyone therefore that the G members of the panel to take a scalpel to Dr Thum’s views, just as they did with the Human Rights Watch report that was a key point in freelance journalist Kirsten Han’s written submission.
So, was the demolition exercise successful?
As a layperson sitting in on the first half of the hearing, I found some of Dr Thum’s responses to Mr Shanmugam’s questions disconcerting, especially when he professed ignorance of some published work that seemed to have a bearing on those early days. Mr Shanmugam made quite a lot of hay from Dr Thum’s utterances, to show that the historian was not quite an expert in the field. I thought the same too, but I will also concede that it is also true that no one can read everything, not even an expert, and that even an expert would be hard put to remember certain paragraphs or quotes in the materials that he had come across.
Mr Shanmugam cited chapter and verse to get Dr Thum to agree on what constituted communism and united front tactics before proceeding to ask questions about whether there was a communist conspiracy in Singapore by Barisan Sosialis members. He cited published sources, including those by Communist Party of Malaya’s secretary-general Chin Peng, which referred to the extent of communist infiltration in Singapore which had caused labour disruptions and student riots. There were references to how communists had to flee to Riau islands and had to ready themselves for a crackdown by government forces.
Dr Thum, on the other hand, said his analysis was based on recently de-classified contemporaneous British Special Branch documents that did not show any evidence of a communist conspiracy. As for other materials, he dismissed them either as inaccurate or irrelevant as they were written decades later for a self-serving purpose. His own research, he claimed, showed Chin Peng was too far away from Singapore to know enough of its circumstances.
So much of the first three hours was about whether Dr Thum had read this or that, or had investigated this or that point, and debates on definitions such as “communist-controlled’’ and “communist-inspired’’, and whether supporters of communism were really supporters of anti-colonialism.
It was extremely testy with side comments made by Dr Thum, which Mr Shanmugam didn’t care to countenance. Dr Thum was kept to a narrow line of yes or no answers which he chafed at, arguing that a historian also looked at the big picture and other sources to come to conclusions.
Mr Shanmugam was having nothing of it, and accused Dr Thum of dealing in sophistry rather than history, and ignoring other sources on the pre-independence period which were inconvenient to his line of argument. He practically called Dr Thum an academic fraud, who broke the rules of academic research (he cited a definition).
Was any light shed on Operation Coldstore?
Dr Thum’s point seems to be that there might be people who supported communism and who were actually communists, but this is not to say that there was a concerted communist conspiracy to de-stabilise Singapore with riots and armed insurrection. And those who were rounded up in Operation Coldstore were not communists, because the declassified documents had no evidence of this. Neither was Barisan leader Lim Chin Siong a communist, he maintained, as Mr Shanmugam cited evidence that seemed to point otherwise. Mr Shanmugam also suggested that Dr Thum had misread at least one telegram from a British colonialist about the nature of Barisan Sosialis future moves.
Dr Thum seemed to be relying on de-classified documents from the British archives, which Mr Shanmugam didn’t take issue with and did not cite as a source. In fact, it seemed a pretty strange debate because no one in the room had a clue what the British documents really said. Mr Shanmugam, in fact, asked Dr Thum to send the relevant documents to him, which led Dr Thum to remark that the Internal Security Department probably had them too.
It was a pity that the discussion on Operation Coldstore took so little of that six hours of grilling which was terminated rather abruptly. For me, it appeared to be a continuation of a discussion which was really started a few years ago when historians started querying the State’s version of history, drawing responses from the G, at a time when Mr Lee Kuan Yew was still alive.
Would the release of classified documents by the G shed more light on this period of Singapore history? Asked about this in Parliament in 2014, then Minister of Culture, community and Youth Lawrence Wong rejected this. “Our approach is not transparency for transparency sake. Our approach is transparency that leads to good governance.”
Anyone would ask what the six hours had to do with fake news. It seemed to be about which version of history Singaporeans should rely on. After the hearing, Dr Thum professed himself flummoxed at the line of questioning which had been a two-man show despite the presence of other panel members including Dr Janil Puthucheary, whose father, Dominic Puthucheary, and uncle, James Puthucheary, had been Operation Coldstore detainees.
Perhaps, what the six hours showed was the difficulty of ascertaining what is true and what is false. Who should we believe and how credible are our sources? How can we ascertain the intentions of people who say things or do things?
In other words, who do we trust?
HAHAHAHAHA give this Sonny boy another Eisner already!!!!!!!
In case anyone is wondering what masterpiece Sonny Liew created in reference to the recently exhausting grilling of PJ Thum, here it is.
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10156119515056181&set=a.10150242935581181.367316.719496180&type=3
I sometimes post illustrations and comics that touch on politics - caricatures of Trump and Steve Bannon, comics about the elections here or Najib's shenanigans. Some have recommended caution - friends, acquaintances, even my mom. Find a balance, don't draw or post so many things on social media that might make the authorities unhappy - you could get in trouble otherwise. My mom says - they're not so bad, they've done well for Singapore. I'll say - yes, the authorities here have done a very good job in many areas - but good can be better, and we still have to speak up when we see problematic ideologies or behaviour. Mostly I just laugh it off, though in truth it's a kind of nervous laughter.
Culture of Fear (or maybe just Uncertainty), all that.
This drawing of K Shanmugan might be the kind of thing to avoid. I'm not even sure why I worked on it, on my own time, with no moolah involved. Except that it was a sort of visceral reaction to watching several hours of the Select Committee hearing where he grilled Pingtjin Thum for 6 hours.
I know PJ through our work together in setting up the New Naratif. He comes across as someone who cares about more openness and democracy, as a way to reach better governance and policies, an idealist who seeks practical ways to realize his ideals. Shanmugan I don't know at all, except through various news media. Maybe he's a perfectly nice person, in person, if you got to know him. But the way that hearing went, along with his attacks on Sylvia Lim recently on test balloons - left an impression of outlier mean-spiritedness and vindictiveness.
When I read that PJ had submitted a paper focused on "fake news" from the PAP itself for the Parliamentary Select Committee on Deliberate Online Falsehoods, I thought - yipes, that's a bit cheeky! Controversial too, of course, with events like Operation Coldstore and Operation Spectrum still sparking passions on all sides of the debate. The thrust of it seemed to make sense though - for any discussion about falsehoods and state legislation to deal with them, a look at fake news from states themselves would seem to be an important component, touching on issues on who gets to be the arbitrator of truth, what sort of access there is to information and more.
What transpired during the 6 hour hearing though was a kind of darkness I'd not quite seen before in Singapore with my own eyes. And worryingly, in the aftermath, there seemed to be many who felt that this was a process that was justified in examining the validity PJ's interpretation of historical events. I've never been through a thesis interview process, so maybe I'm wrong about this, but I'd be very surprised if anything like this would happen in academic inquiry - a relentless grilling over minutiae, where you speak only when spoken to, where one side seated on a high chair dictates all the lines and mode of questioning and unilaterally decides what sort of answers can be given, what sort of proof can be offered.
You could argue that PJ overstates some of his claims, fails to take into account this or that - and all this would be valid in a fair and open discussion about historical interpretation and evidence, involving genuine academic inquiry - but I don't believe this was what happened during the hearing. The taste left on the tongue was of a show trial, a stage managed attack on a person's integrity and credentials. I was taken aback by the lack of reaction from the rest of the panel - that no one raised any questions about the process throughout the 6 hours. Charles Chong seemed a little sheepish at the end of it, but who really knows.
Maybe a final thought on Chin Peng's memoirs, that some have taken to be a fatal flaw in PJ's arguments. In it, Chin Peng writes, "Contrary to the countless allegations made over the years by Singapore leaders... we never controlled the Barisan Socialis. We certainly influenced them... [but] we had never been able to control them." (p.438) As far as I know Lim Chin Siong is never mentioned in the book. What does this mean for the Singapore Story if we take his claims seriously? Does it make sense to pick out passages, as Shanmugan does, to support the idea of Communist influence in Singapore, while ignoring other passages in the same book that undermines the claims that Chin Siong, the Puthuchearys etc were part of a Communist Front?
Contradictions, wider context, interpretations, the weighing of things, the totality of evidence.
We'll all have our ways of looking at the world, I suppose this is how I saw things, from my own small window, for this long-brief moment, for what its worth.
Back to drawing Superheroes, cheerios.
I am only interested in whether this actually happened. The Select Committee hearing is just one gargantuan wayang and everyone knows it.
http://projectsoutheastasia.com/people/academics/pingtjin-thum
Selected publications
(with Loh Kah Seng and Jack Chia, eds.) Living with Myths in Singapore. Singapore: Ethos, 2017.
‘The Fundamental Issue is Anti-colonialism, Not Merger’: Singapore’s “Progressive Left”, Operation Coldstore, and the Creation of Malaysia. ARI Working Paper Series 211.
“The New Normal is the Old Normal: Lessons from Singapore’s History of Dissent,” in Donald Low (ed.), Hard Choices: Challenging the Singapore Consensus. Singapore: NUS Press (2014).
“Flesh and Bone Reunited As One Body: Singapore’s Chinese-Speaking and their Perspectives on Merger”, in Hong, Lysa and Poh, Soo Kai (eds.), The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore: Commemorating 50 Years. Kuala Lumpur: Strategic Institute of Research and Development (2013).
“Flesh and Bone Reunited As One Body: Singapore’s Chinese-Speaking and their Perspectives on Merger”, Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies Vol 5 (2011 – 12).
“The Politics of Southeast Asian History,” IIAS Newsletter 62 (Winter 2012).
“The Limitations of Monolingual History,” in Tarling, Nicholas (ed.), Studying Singapore’s Past: C.M. Turnbull and the History of Modern Singapore. Singapore: NUS Press, 2012: 1 – 18.
“Constance Mary Turnbull, 1927-2008,” in Tarling, Nicholas (ed.), Studying Singapore’s Past: C.M. Turnbull and the History of Modern Singapore. Singapore: NUS Press, 2012: 98 – 120.
“‘Living Buddha’: Chinese perspectives on David Marshall and his government, 1955-56”, Indonesia and the Malay World, Vol 38, Issue 113 (July 2011).
“Chinese newspapers in Singapore, 1945 – 1963: Mediators of elite and popular tastes in culture and politics”, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 83, Part 1 (June 2010).
Nobody give two hoots about Bertha.......
Singapore news site The Middle Ground closes down after running on just $3,000 a month
https://www.mumbrella.asia/2017/10/singapore-independent-news-site-the-middle-ground-to-shut-down
If Bertha Henson continues trying to invoke deeper discourse about PAP's definition of what is real and fake, she can expect to get fixed.
Very unfortunate but so true.........
@THE LAW MINISTER:
1. You didn't spend some time asking PJ Thum questions. YOU SPENT A LOT OF TIME ASKING HIM QUESTIONS.
"People know me-I am direct, I deal with the facts, and say it as I think it is."
2. Who are the people who you claim to know you? WE ORDINARY CITIZENS FOR SURE DON'T KNOW YOU.
3. You have not met Sonny Liew. WHAT MAKES YOU THINK HE EVEN WANTS TO MEET YOU?